An Economic Narrative

This is a first draft of a piece I am developing. Constructive criticism is welcome.

We need to tell a new story about the economy. I don’t mean a new theory. Alternative theories already exist. The old dominant framework for academic economics was fatally wounded in the crisis of 2007-8. It is dying slowly. As Thomas Kuhn argued a scientific revolution takes a generation and is only complete when the old professors have retired or otherwise moved on. What we need is a new narrative.

The narrative derived from the old idea still shapes our thinking, our policy-making and public discourse on the economy. The language we use to describe economic features is derived from the old story. If we want more informed discussion, more creative policy thinking, and better outcomes we need to break free from this old idea and put something better in its place.


The current narrative puts markets at the centre of all economic thought. Buying and selling in the marketplace, in this story, is the engine that drives an economy. There is a great deal more to an economy than markets. The old Labour Party constitution used to talk about “production, distribution and exchange”, but in recent years exchange has become the dominant force. Public discourse will only talk about goods, services, wages, profits, housing, technology and international trade in terms of markets.

My argument for a new narrative begins from a critique of how the market story distorts and limits our ability to frame alternatives. Firstly, markets are impersonal. They are set above us, above the level of human action. As Lady Thatcher once said, “you can’t buck the markets”. The market story serves to disempower us as workers, consumers and citizens. This narrative sets the economy as a thing apart from society, like a disembodied machine which runs on its own logic beyond human control. We cannot vote for economic change if it is the market that has the power.

For example, the market story justifies both low wages and obscenely high salaries. Care workers on precarious contracts with private suppliers are paid the rate for the job decided by the market. Even the national minimum wage was introduced in the teeth of opposition which claimed the market would punish the Labour government for its presumption. Meanwhile corporate CEOs are in a different labour market where international competition drives salaries and benefits ever higher. All wages in between are subject to market forces, unless the workers concerned have strong trade unions.

Up to a point, consumers do have power in the market story. If we want to improve the environment the market will provide organic produce and charge us a premium. To avoid exploitation the market will serve up fair trade foodstuffs. If climate change is a priority then the market will offer to offset our individual carbon footprint. However real change to protect the environment, promote development and tackle global heating require fundamental changes beyond any individual choices.

Secondly, the market story distorts our understanding of the economy. Its emphasis on the exchange of goods and services obscures the questions of where these goods and services have come from in the first place. Equally it offers no explanation for economic change. It does not account for technology and technical change. It appears that technology is also above the level of human action and springs fully formed from the head of Zeus to challenge the status quo.

At best the old narrative allows for “entrepreneurs” who bring innovations to the market. The role of research, development, regulation, social change, incremental advance, public sponsorship, spillover effects, market power and a host of other factors which contribute to innovation is not accounted for.

A major gap in the market story is that it fails to address the large part of the economy which does not operate on market mechanisms. About a fifth of the economy is accounted for by services paid for by the government rather than the final customer. The market story does not just ignore the production of these services but creates the impression that they lie outside the economy and need to be paid for by the market sector.

A further distortion arises from the way the market story denies the importance of market power, for example in the case of monopolies.  According to the narrative monopolies should not exist. Where they do it is a sign of market failure and the government should act to eliminate them. Unfortunately, the reality of the economy we live with is that market power is ubiquitous across the corporate sector. (More on this later.) As an MBA student I learned that the purpose of business strategy is to find and exploit opportunities for market power.

This leads to poor policy choices. For example, most utilities have a natural monopoly. In the past this was dealt with by nationalisation. However, when they were privatised competition was introduced through the creation of several supplier companies. This does not eliminate the basic economics of a natural monopoly and so the then governments created regulatory bodies with a mission to ensure that the new companies behaved as if they were in a competitive market. The experiment failed. The utilities have found ever more inventive means of exploiting their market power. This is evident from the wide range of prices gas and electricity firms offer their customers when, in theory, a competitive market has only one price.

From Theory to Story

The power of the market narrative came from the fact that it was derived from a highly developed economic theory which has dominated professional economics over the same period. Neo-classical economics has its origins in the late 19th century. Economic thinkers created a model in which prices were determined by an equilibrium between supply and demand. In each market, they argued, there was a unique price which balances the number of buyers and the number of sellers.

This idea dominated micro-economics throughout the 20th century. It had less success in macroeconomics where it was overshadowed by the ideas of J M Keynes. However, in the 1950s an important mathematical argument was expounded which showed that it was possible for all the markets which make up an entire economy could be simultaneously at equilibrium. In addition, it was claimed that this general equilibrium represented the best of all possible worlds.

In the 1970s Keynesian ideas began to lose out to the revival of neo-classical economics with the concept of general equilibrium providing a means for analysing the macroeconomy. The macroeconomic models which incorporated some of Keynes’s ideas (IS-LM and Mundell-Fleming, for example) gave way to new neo-classical models. The Treasury, the Bank of England and most academic economists now run “dynamic stochastic general equilibrium models” though their powerful computers.

For four decades we have lived with a dominant narrative of the economy which has now run its course. The idea that the economy could be understood in terms of markets gave us a story in which markets were the core of all economic function. It is a story which obscured a great many other truths. There is much more to economic life than can be understood from exchange in marketplaces. The old narrative separates the economy from its social context, setting it above or outside human control. It both disempowers and hides the reality of where economic power rests. It provides justifications for inequality, low wages and unemployment. It obscures the processes by which wealth is created and shared and undervalues the contribution from the production of public services. Finally, it fails to expose how economies change and develop. Technology, like the economy, isn’t something that happens it is something that we do.

We need a new narrative; one which shows how the economy is embedded in society and interacts with its social and political developments. It should have at its base the human activity that produces goods and services that make up the wants and needs of the community. The new story should recognise that we live in a rich country where there is surplus enough for everyone’s needs. Economies are in constant flux and our new story should combine understanding of the forces of change with the need for the social and political environment that makes a dynamic economy possible.

That is the challenge I set myself. In future posts I will ty to set out the narrative for a dynamic, production economy.

Political Polarisation I

I have been struggling to understand what happened to British politics between 2016 and 2019. A fissure opened up following the referendum which grew in time to a chasm. The country did not just divide, as time went on each tribe moved more towards the extremes. As part of my investigation I have come up with this simple model. It looks at polarisation without reaching for any psychological or behavioural explanations, which is why I refer to it as "rational".

A Rational Model of Political Polarisation

Policymakers make choices. The essence of decision is to choose between alternatives, at least in a rational model. To simplify, suppose a policymaker has to decide between option A and option B. Both advance the policy towards its goal. Option A has certain advantages, but also some downsides. Option B has some disadvantages and certain benefits. The rational decisionmaker then chooses, trading off benefits and costs of the different options

Policymaker

Option A

Option B

Advantages of option A

Disadvantages of option B

Disadvantages of option A

Advantages of option B

 

The policymaker operates in a political environment where lobbyists and campaigners will advocate for their preferred solution. From this perspective the information which matters to their case will be the advantages of their favoured option and the disadvantages of the alternative. The Lobby for A will emphasise the benefits of A and the problems of B. The campaign for B will do the reverse.

This can be summarised in the table below. While the rational policymaker must assess the trade-offs of the decision, campaigners have a simpler time highlighting the factors which suit their viewpoint.

 

Policymaker

 

Option A

Option B

Campaigner for option A

Advantages of option A

Disadvantages of option B

Campaigner for option B

Disadvantages of option A

Advantages of option B

 

The model demonstrates that even a rational decision process, under political conditions, has within it the seeds of polarisation. To give concrete examples, replace option A with Scottish independence and option B with retaining the union. Campaigners for Yes (independence) set out a vision of how a self-governing Scotland would operate and of the problems of union, such as the times when the UK is governed by a party rejected by Scots voters. No campaigners focused mostly on the costs of independence, particularly the economic impact. The benefits were fiscal and social, such as ties of family across national identity.

In the aftermath of the referendum, when voters have picked a side, they are caught up in the campaigner perspective rather than the policymaker viewpoint. They can explain their choice by reference to the advantages of A plus disadvantages of B (or vice versa). This explains the different distribution of viewpoints across the range of possible positions.


Would the SPD Candidate Be an Ally for Labour?

 Some Labour front benchers have spoken warmly about Olaf Scholz,the German politician who  has now been chosen as the SPD candidate for chancellor in the elections next year.

I am surprised given the gulf that exists between the policies which the SPD have supported in the coalition government in Germany. Mr Scholz himself is a fiscal hawk of a kind which is almost extinct in Britain.

Fearful that Labour might be tempted to follow the German example, I wrote this piece for Labour List:

Who is Olaf Scholz – and can Labour look to the SPD candidate as an ally?

The common perception of Germany is of a country with a strong economy. The costs of its trade surplus and its impact on other European countries is too little known. I try here to explain the chasm between the low-wage, low-investment approach of the SPD and Labour's alternative.

Trade Myths and the UK-US Trade Deal

 Britain needs a trade deal with the US. A deal will bring jobs and increasing exports will make us better off. 

In fact none of that is true. "A trade deal offers no tangible benefits – no jobs, no great boost to economic growth or productivity and now is a teachable moment when Labour can set out the truths about the economic impact of trade." I explain the reasoning on Labour List:

We should welcome trade with the US – but not a trade deal

The arguments against a UK-US trade deal are well known - from chlorinated chicken to the NHS. My aim was to present a novel argument for opposing the deal, put simply, whatever the costs there were not enough compensating benefits.

Income €1,650. Expenditure €4,300. For How Long?

It is not normal for the Treasurer to vote against the budget, as happened at the Brussels Labour AGM in June. But then it is not normal for an organisation with an income of €1,650 to decide to spend €4,300. 

As the Treasurer in question, I tried to prepare a budget that didn’t dip too far into the reserves. Our income is falling and even with the medical emergency our expenses are rising.

What really blew the budget out of the water was a demand to include €2,000 for various donations. This is possible only because we have substantial reserves built up from many years of members’ contributions.

Distrust

Underlying the willingness to run down our reserves through donations is the difficult relationship between the branch and the CLP, Labour International. This distrust has grown over recent years leading to a them-and-us outlook which I find unhealthy.

It appears that some members had been seized by the idea that our reserves could be taken by our CLP, Labour International, and spent in support of left-wing causes. The alternative, it seems, was to grab the reserves ourselves and distribute them to other causes.

There was never any prospect of Labour International dictating our spending priorities. This has now been confirmed by Labour International and by Party headquarters. The branch is the custodian of its own resources and the only constraints are those of ethics, its constitution and good financial management.

The first conclusion we should draw from this episode is that the breach between Brussels Labour and Labour International is a danger to our ability to run an effective branch for Labour members in Brussels. We must seek to create a dialogue aimed at finding a modus vivendi and beginning to restore trust. LI is our channel to the wider Party which we need to keep open.

Rational

My second conclusion is that we need a more rational approach to financial management.

Our income is down but our costs are rising. In a normal year, meeting costs, web hosting, Zoom subscription and a John Fitzmorris lecture already amount to €1,450 which leaves little for social events, campaigning or annual conference, let alone donations.

We will need the reserves to keep the branch activity going while we improve the income side. To persuade members to donate we need to sustain a level of activity that members will value enough to make a financial contribution.

Brussels Labour should develop a protocol for good financial governance. A clear set of principles for using branch funds and funds raised for supporting other bodies is needed. The officers and the Executive of the branch are the stewards of other people’s money and must uphold high standards of financial management.

This post is edited from an article which appears in the latest issue of Germinal, the Brussels Labour journal.

National Policy Forum consultation 2020

The NPF has launched it consultation exercise for 2020. It is inviting submissions until the end of June. Submissions should be posted to policyforum.labour.org.uk.

There are eight priority topics all of which relate to the impact of Covid-19. I am providing a link here to each of the documents in PDF format.










Economic Common Sense and the Pandemic

In writing his great work of economic theory, J M Keynes said that he had struggled to free himself from “habitual modes of thought and expression.” In our time these habits of thought are those which took root during the decades when the market was seen as the central fact of economic life. Since the crisis of 2007/8 we have lost our faith in the supremacy of the market but we have struggled unsuccessfully to free ourselves from its habits of thought and expression.

 It could be that the present pandemic is providing a hard lesson on the inadequacy of our customary manner of speaking about the economy. There is possibly a teachable moment when we can change the terms in which the political discourse and create a new common sense based on the economic lessons of the pandemic.

The economic impact of the health crisis is not a simple matter of a fall in supply, or of demand or of “confidence”. It is not a market failure or a financial shock. It is not about inflation or debt and even the terms GDP and growth are somewhat irrelevant to what is happening. Put simply, workers have been told to stay home, workplaces are closed and so the production of many goods and services have come to a halt.

Thinking about production is one of the habits we lost during the period when only exchange in markets mattered. Production is one of the concepts we should popularise. The classical economists thought in these terms. Wealth is created by people going to work to produce the goods and services we need and want including the capital goods and business services which contribute to production.

Secondly, the response of the NHS to the crisis has changed our perception of healthcare workers. The way in which we value not just NHS staff, but care home and elderly services workers, is being transformed in this emergency. We are suddenly aware of the many other low paid workers from council services to supermarkets who are keeping us going. It is becoming clear that the “labour market” does not reward labour its true value.

This gestalt shift can also challenge one particularly unhelpful habit of thought. We have been told that the private sector creates wealth which pays for public services. In this moment we can see that the NHS itself produces a service without which we would be much poorer. Healthcare workers create a service which is consumed by patients. The only difference economically from a service like a theatre performance is that it is paid through taxation not tickets sold at the door.

Public services are part of the wealth produced by people at work. Public services add value to our economy, they are not a drain on it.

Of the many habits of thought we need to unlearn there is one which stands out. The idea of the economy as some thing apart is one which obscures reality. The economy is not a machine which follows its own rules and operates on its own logic. An economy is always embedded in a society. Even markets only work because of the rules and norms of the community that use them. Some of the rules are codified in law or contract and so an economy is embedded in political structures as well.

The pandemic makes some of this evident. The economy changes when the rules are changed by a medical emergency. Social distancing, alone, will not just change workplaces as they reopen; it will also change the decisions about what is produced and how.

The left has long struggled against the dominance of the market idea. Even after the financial crash of 2007/8, economic discourse returned to its familiar habits of thought. The pandemic offers a possibility, if politicians and commentators choose to use it, or changing the lexicon and renewing the vocabulary of economic discussion to reveal the reality that we are not powerless before the market and that we can make choices.